This sounds like an argument for the 'proposals' (to give them far too grand a term) in the Great Barrington declaration.
There are fundamental issues with shielding the elderly/vulnerable and letting the virus run through the rest of the population:
-Those vulnerable people have support networks. To maintain that requires all those carers to be effectively isolated too, because there's too many of them to test regularly/rapidly. Care homes, etc would need to be sealed off from the outside world, with all staff within. As seen in March/April, once the virus gets into a carehome it can do untold damage, and this will be even harder to prevent when the virus is widespread outside of the home. Food, medicines, medics, post, etc will still need to come in. Visiting carers would have to be isolated from anyone they aren't supporting. And that's not to mention replacing the childcare, etc and other functions of these vulnerable people forced to shield.
-70+ would appear to be the likely cut-off for shielding in the event of a "let the virus spread" policy. That encompasses nearly 8m people, who would be forced to isolate for an indefinite period, which could easily run to 12 months from now. Whilst a month-long lockdown undoubtedly has health impacts, I cannot see that locking 67 million people down for one month is as bad as locking the most-vulnerable 8 million down for a year.
-A nationwide lockdown helps make it possible for the NHS to handle health problems beyond COVID. Letting the virus spread will put a great burden on the NHS. The median age of someone in intensive care due to COVID is only ~60, so allowing the virus to run through the population is still going to result in a huge number of hospital admissions for COVID, and dilute the quality of healthcare which can be provided for COVID and non-COVID patients. "Protect the NHS" was an accurate part of the government's slogans.
-There's no guarantee that having the virus prevents you from catching it again. We could let it move through the "healthy" population now, only for them to be struck down again in six months time. Letting the virus run through the low-risk population is a gamble that herd immunity can be achieved through infection, and one that would do great damage if incorrect.
-"Long COVID" is still an ill-defined medical condition, but one that may be present in 5% of cases (
https://covid.joinzoe.com/post/long-covid). Letting COVID rip through 60 million people may therefore leave up to 3 million people with long-term health conditions which will place a giant burden on the NHS, and the economy if these people cannot return to work. As with the "short-term" disease, time has allowed scientists and clinicians to study and develop treatments and medication which greatly improve the prognosis. More time is needed to study these long-term conditions before it can be even remotely ethical to allow a great deal more people to be infected.
-When the virus is rife, people change their habits. Even if restaurants are open, far fewer people will go whilst the virus is so prevalent. Businesses may remain open, but not be viable and close anyway. Even if we have to have 4, month-long lockdowns a year until a vaccine is developed, that gives businesses 75% of the year with "normal" footfall, and makes it much easier to plan the support needed for busineses/employees.
-When a vaccine is first available, it will initially be in short supply. With COVID at low levels, it's much easier to target vaccination at those people/areas that need it most/it will have the most benefit to. With a widespread outbreak it's much harder to bring it back under control until a very high level of vaccination is achieved.
Reply to DH Canary
DH’s “case” against targeted protection of the vulnerable minority as an alternative to the blunt instrument of lockdown rests principally on two claims. Firstly, that targeted protection is neither feasible nor desirable, the first due to the impracticality of providing the required level of protection to the 8m people categorised as vulnerable, the second due to the impact on the health and well-being of the 8m.
Secondly, that targeted protection is incompatible with “protecting the NHS”. “Letting the virus run through the population” would lead to hospitals and ICUs being overwhelmed by Covid-19 patients to the extent of being “unable to handle other health problems”.
How feasible is targeted protection?
DH exaggerates the practical difficulties. He does so because he fails to distinguish the varying degrees of risk (of severe disease and death) within the group classed as “vulnerable” and consequently assumes that targeted protection means treating the entire 8m as though they were all high risk shielders incarcerated in care homes. It isn’t like that at all; only a minority of vulnerable people require shielding, and only a minority are as dependent on the provision of care as those resident in care homes. The extent to which the 8m are reliant on “support networks”, for instance, varies enormously, from little more than supermarket deliveries on the one hand, to full scale 24/7 social care on the other.
What degree of isolation would targeted protection impose on the vulnerable?
Here again, failure to distinguish “protection” from “shielding” leads DH to exaggerate the impact of targeted protection on the great majority of those it would affect. Just as the amount of support needed varies hugely among the 8m, so does the appropriate degree of isolation. Furthermore, the appropriate degree of isolation varies depending on the situation. In the case of the great majority of vulnerable people, blanket measures such as we saw during the first, extended, lockdown, are likely to prove more detrimental to health and well-being than the finer tuning that targeted protection allows. Whether Gandy, for example (see his post above), should now stop visiting his family, given that his grandchildren are back at school and their parents back at work, depends e.g. on whether the grandchildren are isolating at home because one their classmates has tested positive, or whether there is an outbreak in the parents’s place of work. A blanket instruction from government such as “If you are among the vulnerable, don’t see your grandchildren” would be as unjustified as it would be onerous.
Does targeted protection mean letting the virus “run unfettered” through the general population?
No it doesn’t. It involves not preventing the majority of the population, whose risk of serious or fatal illness from Covid-19 is small, from going about their normal business as far as possible while being encouraged to take sensible precautions against becoming infected and infecting others.
Schools, universities and colleges are staying open to avoid further massive disruption to our children’s education and bankruptcy of many of the institutions themselves. Does that mean no masks are being worn, no hand washing is being done, no social distancing measures are in place? Does it mean that members of staff who have health issues that make them more vulnerable are simply being told to get on with it?
Supermarkets, together with all the businesses which keep their grocery shelves stocked, have continued to function throughout the pandemic while instituting sensible changes to how they operate in order to safeguard their staff and customers. People don’t eat picture frames, but picture framers and the countless other businesses facing insolvency are no less essential to the economic health and well-being of our country and therefore of the population; yet lockdown denies them the opportunity to continue to trade on exactly the same terms.
“Protection” takes many forms and operates at many levels. “Targeting” means maximising the protection available to those (a minority) at greatly increased risk; it doesn’t mean the rest taking no precautions at all.
Would targeted protection lead to the NHS being overwhelmed?
The median age of Covid patients in intensive care reflects the sad fact that conditions such as heart and lung disease, diabetes, obesity etc. (the oft-quoted “underlying conditions” which increase the risk of severe disease and death from Covid-19), are not confined to the elderly. Of the 2,239,149 people officially classified as in need of shielding, 1,266,375 are below age 70. There are degrees of vulnerability among the younger population just as among the older. The best way to protect the NHS from being overwhelmed is to target protection at those most likely to end up in hospitals and ICUs in the event of becoming infected, irrespective of their age.
Does lack of knowledge justify assuming the worst?
This question is prompted by DH’s paragraph about so-called “long” Covid. He suggests that “letting Covid rip through 60 million people”
may [my emphasis] leave up to 3 million with long term health conditions, thus placing huge burdens on both the NHS and economy (in the event of these people being unable to work). This makes the quite unjustified assumption that “letting Covid rip through the population” implies, firstly that every single one of the 60m will become infected, and secondly that every single one of those who experience symptoms over an extended period does so in forms which are debilitating enough to constitute a burden on the NHS and/or prevent the sufferer from returning to work. The study DH cites supports neither conclusion.
The suggestion that “letting Covid rip” means everyone in the population falling ill with Covid-19 disease is a highly pertinent example of lack of knowledge being used to justify assuming the worst. It is pertinent because that assumption, propagated by the WHO, has been the basis for the entire global response to the virus with the exception of a handful of countries such as Sweden. When Boris Johnson first addressed the nation on the pandemic, he parroted the orthodoxy that because this was a new virus, no one had any pre-existing immunity or other form of natural protection against it. Yet, from the very earliest days of the pandemic, circumstantial evidence has been piling up suggesting the opposite. One obvious example, is provided by children, who clearly do have some form of natural protection against the virus. Unfortunately for the rest of us, whatever it is appears not to survive into adulthood. Equally clear is the fact that the virus affects people to very different degrees: on the one hand you may be infected (as proven by a positive test) but completely unaware of being so, and on the other so badly affected that you don’t survive. And it’s not just that the virus affects different people to a differently degree, there is evidence that large numbers of people do not fall ill even after exposure to the virus. (The Vivaldi study of the effect of Covid-19 in care homes concluded that 80% of residents in care homes which experienced outbreaks remained uninfected.) Nor is evidence for pre-existing protection against the virus purely circumstantial. Several studies conducted in different countries have found Sars-CoV-2 reactive T-cells in people with no known exposure to the virus itself. T-cells have a critical role in the immune system’s response to infections and the findings suggest that the assumption of zero pre-existing immunity to the virus in the global population is quite simply false. Such a conclusion has major implications with regard to e.g. calculation of the R number, and the threshold for achieving herd immunity.
Exactly the same claim about pre-existing immunity was made a decade ago in relation to swine flu, only to be retracted when the realities of infection with that virus proved otherwise. As the author of
this article in the BMJ says, the lesson seems to have been forgotten.
Where little is known, it may seem sensible to assume the worst. But doing so is no less of a gamble than the alternatives and, if mistaken, comes with its own heavy cost.