Mandela dead

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The Fiction

The official story goes something like this: Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela was born in 1918 into the Thembu tribe’s royal family. He studied law at two prestigious universities and became involved in “anti-colonial politics,” joining the African National Congress (ANC). He was committed to non-violent protest in gaining sovereignty for blacks. In 1962 he was arrested and convicted of sabotage and conspiracy to overthrow the government and was sentenced to life in prison.

An international campaign lobbied for his release, which was granted in 1990, and he was hailed as martyr of white racism by the international media. This popularity propelled him to be elected president of South Africa in 1994, where he continued with his struggle to “end ethnic tensions and bring about racial equality.” Over the years, Mandela has received over 250 awards, including the 1993 Nobel Peace Prize, the U.S. Presidential Medal of Freedom and the Soviet Order of Lenin.

The Fact

They point to the fact that Mandela was not imprisoned for opposing apartheid, or segregation, in Africa, but for being a communist terrorist murderer-bomber in service to the Soviet Union.

The ANC’s guerrilla force, known as uMkhonto we Sizwe—MK, or “Spear of the Nation”—was founded in 1961 by Mandela and his advisor, the Lithuanian-born communist Jew Joe Slovo, born Yossel Mashel Slovo, who was officially named secretary general of the South African Communist Party in 1986.

Slovo had been the planner of many of the ANC terrorist attacks, including the January 8, 1982 attack on the Koeberg nuclear power plant near Cape Town, the Church Street bombing on May 20, 1983, which killed 19 people, and the June 14, 1986 car-bombing of Magoo’s Bar in Durban, in which three people were killed and 73 injured.

In 1962, Mandela was arrested along with 19 others, half of whom were White communist Jews, in a police raid of ANC headquarters at a farm owned by Andrew Goldreich, also a communist Jew, at Rivonia, a Johannesburg suburb.

In the Rivonia Trial, which took place between 1963 and 1964, the defendants were tried for 221 acts of sabotage designed to overthrow the government and conspiring to aid foreign military units, when they invaded SA to further the objects of communism.

The prosecutor, Percy Yutar said at the trial that “production requirements for munitions were sufficient to blow up a city the size of Johannesburg.”

Escaping the death sentence, Mandela was given life in prison.

By 1990, the communists behind Mandela had gained enough power to force his release. Apartheid was abolished in 1992 and the ANC was put into power in 1994 with Mandela as president. Slovo became his secretary of housing.

Shortly thereafter, Mandela and Slovo, along with a group of ANC leaders, were filmed chanting a pledge to kill all whites in South Africa.

[video=youtube;NKiePbTcAfY]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NKiePbTcAfY&feature=youtu.be[/video]

Current South African President Jacob Zuma, also of the ANC, was also filmed as late as January 2012 singing a song called “Kill the Boer” in front of a crowd of thousands of blacks while they cheered and danced. The song advocates the murder of the descendents of the original white settlers of South Africa, with lyrics encouraging blacks to gun down the farmers with machine guns.

Mandela’s ex-wife Winnie, also a longtime ANC activist, prefers a method called “necklacing,” where a gasoline-filled tire is placed around the neck of a victim and set ablaze. “With our boxes of matches and our necklaces we shall liberate this country,” she is infamous for saying.

(Mandela was in solitary confinement at the time of the necklacing torture-murders. An estimated 3,000 victims died by necklacing.)

Since 1994, 68,000 whites have been brutally tortured and murdered by blacks in South Africa, in ways too gruesome to describe, including almost 4,000 Boers whose farms were confiscated by savage murderers, a combined area of over 25,000 square miles.

Contrary to popular belief, the vast majority of blacks in South Africa aren’t natives, but came by the millions from neighboring countries only after the white Boers created a country with a thriving economy, education opportunities and medical benefits.

Under white rule, blacks in South Africa enjoyed better living conditions than any other African country, where blacks kill each other in tribal warfare.

In 1994, the same year Mandela took power, the Hutu tribe killed 800,000 Tutsis in Rwanda. Similar tribal genocides have taken place in Congo, Somalia, Ethiopia, Chad, Mali, Zimbabwe, Angola and many more African countries. Tribal savagery and genocide has always been a way of life for Africans.

Since Mandela took over, South Africa has become a Third World country. It went from being the safest country in Africa, to being the rape and murder capital of the world. In Johannesburg, 5,000 people are murdered every year. Unemployment went from 5% in 1994 to 50% today.

South Africa also has the largest number of people infected with HIV/AIDS in the world. In 2007, over 18% of adults, or 5,700,000 people had AIDS. In 2010, an estimated 280,000 died of AIDS.

Looking beyond the media myth of a “demigod Mandela” as he faces his twilight, one can only say, “good riddance.”
 
Medro

Shining a light on lies...

Medro has bemoaned the fact that the whites don't rule in Africa anymore, can't see many putting much stock into his opinion of Mandela.
 
I don't usually ask this Medro but where did you get that from?

http://americanfreepress.net/?p=11873

Medro has bemoaned the fact that the whites don't rule in Africa anymore, can't see many putting much stock into his opinion of Mandela.

Peace loving Nelson, aye right

I had the unique pleasure of being in Nelson Mandela's company on two occasions – at the Table Bay Hotel in Cape Town and even more memorably in Dublin.

Mandela was a friend of Sir Anthony O'Reilly, the founder and former chairman of Independent News & Media, which owned many of the principal newspapers in South Africa, as well as the Belfast Telegraph.

O'Reilly invited him to deliver the annual Irish Independent lecture at Trinity College in April 2000. A small group of newspaper editors from the Republic and Northern Ireland were invited to lunch with Mandela beforehand at O'Reilly's home in Dublin's Fitzwilliam Square.

A trim, slightly-built man with a beaming smile, the South African legend lit up the dark dining room when he arrived wearing one of his rainbow coloured shirts.
The late Vinny Doyle, then editor of the Irish Independent, sat on one side of Mandela and I had the privilege, as Belfast Telegraph editor, of sitting on the other.

I remember gazing at the back of Mandela's hands as he picked up his knife and fork and thinking how unwrinkled his skin was for an 80-year-old man, who had also spent so many harsh years labouring in prison.

He looked and behaved much younger than his age, regaling the table with reflections of his time in Robben Island prison in Cape Town bay. He enjoyed poking fun at himself and laughed as we laughed at his self-effacing humour.

He reminisced about his 27 years of imprisonment, at the hands of the apartheid regime, showing no bitterness about how he was treated and recalling how he even managed to build trust and friendship with some of the white warders who guarded him.

No doubt there were many times when he was treated roughly, yet he seemed to have only fond memories of good relations with warders, recalling how he would share the contents of the parcels he received, offering them to his guards who, in turn, would respond more sympathetically towards him.

As Mandela told his stories, his soft-spoken, forgiving nature shone through, to the extent that it was hard to fathom that he had also inspired and led a violent and brutal revolution in Africa. However, as the lunch wore on, the other face of Nelson Mandela emerged.

In April 2000, the political row over the IRA's unwillingness to decommission its weapons was dominating the political news during that visit to Dublin; so much so that, before Mandela came to lunch, he had met the Sinn Fein leadership.

"What advice, Mr Mandela, did you offer them," asked the late Aengus Fanning, editor of the Sunday Independent, another guest at lunch.
Mandela did not answer the question directly, but instead embarked on a long explanation of the position in which he found himself in South Africa on the same issue.

He outlined how he faced a wide spectrum of factions within the African National Congress, ranging from liberals, who said all guns should be handed over swiftly, to the mainstream, who felt they should be kept and that such a compromise could not be contemplated so soon.

Fanning repeated the question more pointedly: "But what was your position, Mr Mandela, on decommissioning weapons? And what advice would you give Gerry Adams?" Mandela's mood turned suddenly steely. He looked seriously and sternly at Fanning. "My position, my position... my position is that you don't hand over your weapons until you get what you want... "

The editors around the table were stopped in their tracks. Here was the other Mandela, unflinchingly gritty, never to be taken lightly, who commanded the respect of a huge revolutionary force inside and outside his prison cell.

That evening, I travelled back to Belfast and to the Culloden Hotel, where the Belfast Telegraph Business Awards were taking place. I arrived late off the evening Enterprise train and took my seat apologetically beside the then Secretary of State, Peter Mandelson, who was anxious to know what Mandela had said about Northern Ireland.

Mandelson was visibly shocked when I suggested Mandela did not share the unionists', or British, view on IRA decommissioning and that he thought David Trimble needed to show more political confidence and courage, because he had so much support from London. Mandelson was clearly annoyed at the prospect of such an influential global figure as Nelson Mandela showing sympathy for Sinn Fein and the IRA's position on decommissioning.

Shortly afterwards, Mandela was invited to Downing Street for talks with Prime Minister Tony Blair.

I doubt if Blair could have changed such forthright views on arms decommissioning as Nelson Mandela had expressed over that lunch in Dublin, but I would be very surprised if he didn't try.
 
Medro has bemoaned the fact that the whites don't rule in Africa anymore, can't see many putting much stock into his opinion of Mandela.

My post was tongue in cheek - what Medro posted is as inbalanced as the "positive" views of what Mandela is/was ...
 
I bet Medro's head explodes when he has to work out who the good guys and bad guys were in Libya - on the hand you had IRA supporting Gaddafi, on the other hand he was deposed by filthy Terrorist scum.
 
So after the ANC came to power, did they "Kill All Whites" as according to life on planet Medro, they had pledged to do? Seems not, though I'm not sure you could have blamed them if they had.
 
So after the ANC came to power, did they "Kill All Whites" as according to life on planet Medro, they had pledged to do? Seems not, though I'm not sure you could have blamed them if they had.

The restraint shown by Mandela and his people was heroic after how they were treated.
 
I bet Medro's head explodes when he has to work out who the good guys and bad guys were in Libya - on the hand you had IRA supporting Gaddafi, on the other hand he was deposed by filthy Terrorist scum.

Nope it doesn't. Mandela was a buddy of Gaddafi as was Bono. All ****s.

So after the ANC came to power, did they "Kill All Whites" as according to life on planet Medro, they had pledged to do? Seems not, though I'm not sure you could have blamed them if they had.

So because they only murdered and tortured approx 70,000 thousand, thats okay. Great logic.
 
Nope it doesn't. Mandela was a buddy of Gaddafi as was Bono. All ****s.

So you agree that the Libyan rebels were fully justified in their use of Terrorist tactics in deposing an unjust repressive government?
 
Not many people mourned when Eugène Terre'Blanche, another great South African leader, passed away in 2010. He was hacked and beaten to death on his farm by a black farm labourer.
 
When the apartheid regime ended in 1994, the ANC, once derided as terrorists, became South Africa’s governing political party. Early on, their leader Nelson Mandela promised to build houses for South Africa’s dispossessed. “It is not something we can achieve overnight”, he said. How right he was. Almost 20 years later, large swathes of the country’s poor live in shacks in semi-formal shantytowns. Now these homes are being taken down and the residents forcibly evicted by the Red Ants – private contractors hired by the government to carry out evictions.

In the feature-length documentary, Dear Mandela, directors Dara Kell and Christopher Nizza follow three young shack-dwellers as they try and save their homes. They're torch-carriers for the first post-apartheid generation kids trying to find out if democracy really does exist in their country. The ANC once championed poor black people across the country. Now it seems too mired in corruption and greed to be trusted. In spite of this, its history and the moral authority of its figurehead, Mandela, keep the party from being forsaken. I spoke to Dara Kell about her film.

Dara Kell: I grew up during apartheid and was a child of the "Rainbow Nation" – I was 14 when Nelson Mandela was elected. Things changed fast and a lot of wonderful things were happening, but I was really disturbed when I learned that, although many houses had been built, the number of people living in shacks had actually doubled since the end of apartheid. South Africa’s great wealth was not being shared with the poor.

How did you come across this group that are trying to change all that?

In 2007, Christopher Nizza, my filmmaking partner, and I were given an academic article about a new social movement called Abahlali baseMjondolo (Residents of the Shacks). We were immediately intrigued by the potential of this deeply democratic movement to find some way through the seemingly intractable situation of millions of people living in life-threatening conditions in rapidly growing informal settlements. In December 2007, we visited the movement’s headquarters in Durban.

And it was there you met the subjects of your film?

Yes, and in meeting them, we saw that they embodied Nelson Mandela’s pragmatic idealism, his courage and his humility. We were struck by the philosophy of the Abahlali members. They weren’t only talking about what is wrong with South Africa, they were also articulating a profound vision of what the world could be, how we could build a society based on respect, where everyone counts.

We witnessed the trauma caused by unlawful evictions of shack dwellers at the hands of the Red Ants, as well as the courageous resistance by communities all over Durban. We couldn’t walk away – we knew we had to make the film.

When Mazwi Nzimande, one of your young main characters, is addressing the crowd, his cry of "down with the ANC" is met with silence. To me this seemed emblematic of the conflicted emotions the party still produces. People still feel loyal to them don't they?
Mazwi really got into trouble for that statement – mainly from the elders. They wanted to discipline him, but he'd only been saying what was already agreed upon by the Abahlali Youth League, who felt very strongly that the ANC had let them down and that they should say as much. Many people feel very loyal to the ANC and they show their support by voting overwhelmingly in the ANC’s favour – 69% of the vote in 2009, in fact.

Well, it was incredible in its day, I suppose.

Yeah, the ANC is the party predominantly responsible for bringing democracy to South Africa. There's much to be proud of and many people sacrificed their lives to end apartheid. Now, the older generation – my parents’ generation – are either haunted and ostracised because of what they didn't do during apartheid, or promoted and lauded for what they did do and for what they sacrificed. But things are different for the post-apartheid generation.

People Mazwi’s age can see the betrayal more clearly; the corruption and the false promises come election time. I’ve heard older filmmakers tell me that they couldn’t have made Dear Mandela because their loyalty to the ANC, understandably, runs too deep. I'm loyal and grateful to the ANC as well, but I think my outrage at the current situation overrides that loyalty.

Has the ANC let down its core support by failing to provide suitable housing in South Africa?

I believe that the current South African government has failed miserably, not only to provide residents with adequate housing, but also to treat its citizens with dignity. I've seen so many times that residents’ demands – often reasonable things, like more water taps and adequate toilets to prevent disease; all very simple things for the government to provide – the demands are either ignored or met with hostility. When this happens over years and years, is it any surprise that residents see no other choice but to hit the streets in protest?

You're right.

The ANC government built 1.8 million homes in the 10 years of democracy, but in that same time, two million people lost their homes. Evictions are rife, especially on farms. Evictions are unlawful, yet they happen routinely, and residents are often not provided with alternative housing. During the filming of Dear Mandela, we started hearing about a new tactic: moving people to transit camps. The camps look like prisons and the conditions, the residents say, are even worse than in the shantytowns. They're human dumping grounds, basically.

Do you think people feel personally let down by Nelson Mandela? And do you think that, once he has died, people will be more openly critical of the ANC?

This question goes to the heart of political leadership. The citizens have no idea about the compromises that need to be made. During the transition, Mandela and, in particular, Thabo Mbeki, negotiated a peaceful transition and universal suffrage, but the more radical promises made by the ANC were shoved under the carpet. The distribution of wealth has not changed much: South Africa is one of the most unequal nations in the world. The Freedom Charter, created in 1955, states the ANC’s position very clearly: "Land shall be given to all landless people." "There shall be Houses, Security and Comfort."

It’s a beautifully written manifesto and it’s the way I wish the world could be, but many of South Africa’s leaders – including former freedom fighters like Tokyo Sexwale and Cyril Ramaphosa – have become millionaires and have abandoned the poor. Once Mandela has passed from this world, I’m not sure if we’ll be more willing to criticize the ANC. I think frustration and anger is growing right now and, talking to shack dwellers, it’s clear that the honeymoon period is over. The government needs to make good on its promises, stop corruption, stop evictions and do what’s right.